Report: Scout clocks Reds' pitching prospect Chapman at 105 mph
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Rejecting the derogatory term "Gringos" and the accusatory epithet "Yanquis," Cubans prefer to refer to us, their North American neighbors, as "Yumas." This blog is simply one Yuma's way of sharing his thoughts on all things Cuban, a subject that often generates more heat than light.
Go to the new blog "Café Fuerte" (http://cafefuerte.com) to read the full interview (in Spanish) published Tuesday, August 17, 2010.
The interview is entitled "Cuba vive un cansancio historico" (Cuba is living in an historical exhaustion), taken from the following excerpt.
WCI: Tú has contado ampliamente la realidad cubana a través de tus novelas y cuentos, pero quiero saber cómo tú describirías la situación actual de la isla no como el escritor de ficción, sino desde la perspectiva del ciudadano común. ¿Cuál es el futuro con este presente agotado?
LP: Hay un problema fundamental en Cuba del que yo hablo en mi novela La neblina del ayer (2005), y que se ha ido agudizando con los años: el cansancio histórico. Creo que Cuba es un país que vive un cansancio histórico. La gente está cansada de sentir o que se le diga que está viviendo un momento histórico y quiere vivir una normalidad.
Esto ha generado además un desgaste moral bastante serio en la sociedad cubana. En un país donde la prostitución deja de ser un oficio reprobable y se convierte muchas veces en una salvación para la economía hogareña con el beneplácito y la admiración de la familia, hay algo que funciona mal, como funcionaba mal en el reino de Dinamarca en la época de Hamlet.
Un país donde la mayoría de las personas tiene que buscar alternativas de supervivencia en los márgenes o más allá de los márgenes de la legalidad y lo hacen con total desenfado, como una actividad absolutamente normal, es un problema serio. El propio gobierno –que es el empleador del 90 por ciento de los cubanos- ha reconocido que los salarios que les paga a sus asalariados son insuficientes para vivir, lo que es un reconocimiento a que las personas tienen que buscar alternativas de supervivencia.
Y cuando alguien en Cuba, por ejemplo, espera poder resolver sus problemas con los 100 ó 200 dólares que les puede mandar un pariente desde Estados Unidos, México, España, o espera resolver los problemas haciendo un determinado negocio que está más allá de los márgenes de la legalidad, es una sociedad que tiene problemas. Y estos problemas tienen un costo social y moral que va a ser lo más difícil de poder superar en un futuro inmediato.
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The first paragraph sums up the article:
"The Cuban revolution never was nor has ever been democratic. Neither can it be called communist - not now nor before. Instead it is a vulgar and vile state capitalism called "Fidelismo."
This according to writer and graphic designer Canek Sánchez Guevara, the eldest gransdson of guerrilla Ernesto ''Che'' Guevara. Son of Guevara's eldest daughter, Hilda (Hildita) Guevara, Sánchez Guevara (30) was born in Cuba and is a citizen of Mexico where he lives.
DECLARACIONES DEL NIETO MAYOR DEL CHE A UNA REVISTA MEXICANA
La revolución en Cuba ''no fue, ni nunca ha sido democrática'' y tampoco es comunista, ni ahora ni antes, ''sino un vulgar y vil capitalismo de Estado llamado "Fidelismo,'' afirmó el nieto del guerrillero Ernesto ''Che'' Guevara, Canek Sánchez Guevara.
En una carta y una Autoentrevista que publica hoy el semanario mexicano ''Proceso'', Canek criticó duramente el ''mesianismo" de Fidel Castro y la pérdida de rumbo que hizo de la revolución, pasando ''del joven revolucionario al viejo tirano'' que ''falsificó'' un noble ideal.
''La revolución parió una burguesía corrupta, aparatos represivos dispuestos a defenderla del pueblo y una burocracia que la alejaba de éste. Pero sobre todo fue antidemocrática por el mesianismo casi religioso de su líder'', señaló. En sus escritos, Canek desnuda uno a uno los puntos que han ido alejando a la revolución cubana de su noble propósito original, como ''la criminalización de la diferencia,'' mediante la ''persecución de homosexuales, hippies, libre-pensadores, sindicalistas y poetas'' y la instalación de una ''burguesía socialista férrea (...) fingidamente proletaria'' .
''La revolución hace años falleció en Cuba: hubo de ser asesinada por quienes la invocaron para evitar que se volviera contra ellos, tuvo que ser institucionalizada y asfixiada por su propia burocracia, por la corrupción, por el nepotismo y por la verticalidad de la tan mentada organización: el Estado revolucionario cubano'', dijo.
Además, no dudó en calificar el régimen de Castro como una dictadura y acusó al dirigente de traicionar los ideales iniciales de la revolución, reseñó EFE.
''En efecto, Fidel liberó a Cuba de la gangsteril dictadura batistiana, pero con su obstinada permanencia sólo logró volverse, él mismo, otro dictador'', aseveró. ''Todas mis críticas a Fidel Castro parten de su alejamiento de los ideales libertarios, de la traición cometida en contra del pueblo de Cuba y de la espantosa vigilancia establecida para preservar al Estado por encima de sus gentes'', agregó.
El nieto mayor del Che Guevara señala que la represión que se vive en la isla, con la ''vigilancia perpetua sobre los individuos'' y ''la prohibición de las asociaciones que puedan hacer al margen del Estado'' no es sino ''un vulgar capitalismo de Estado'' que, según él, morirá con Fidel. ''Seamos honestos, un joven rebelde ahora, similar a como fue Fidel Castro en el pasado, en la Cuba de hoy, sería inmediatamente fusilado, y no condenado al exilio'', como lo fue él, aseguró.
Sánchez Guevara remata diciendo que el Marxismo en Cuba es ''sólo una asignatura escolar'' y que desde las ideas de Marx es desde donde ''puede verse en su conjunto el estrepitoso fracaso de un ideal totalmente falsificado' '.*
El nieto mayor del Che Guevara nació en Cuba, tiene 30 años y posee la ciudadanía mexicana.
Actualmente vive en Oaxaca y es escritor y diseñador gráfico. Su madre es Hilda Guevara, la primogénita del guerrillero.
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By Yoani Sánchez
Thursday, August 5, 2010
HAVANA - Fidel Castro's return to public life after a four-year absence provokes conflicting emotions here. His reappearance surprised a people awaiting, with growing despair, the reforms announced by his brother Raúl. While some weave fantasies around his return, others are anxious about what will happen next.
The return of a famous figure is a familiar theme in life as in fiction -- think Don Quixote, Casanova or Juan Domingo Perón. But another familiar theme is disappointment -- of those who find that the person who returns is no longer the person who left, or at least not as we remember him. There is often a sense of despair surrounding those who insist on coming back. Fidel Castro is no exception to this flaw inherent in remakes.
The man who appeared on the anniversary of "Revolution Day" last week bore no resemblance to the sturdy soldier who handed over his office to his brother in July 2006. The stuttering old man with quivering hands was a shadow of the Greek-profiled military leader who, while a million voices chanted his name in the plaza, pardoned lives, announced executions, proclaimed laws that no one had been consulted on and declared the right of revolutionaries to make revolution.
Although he has once again donned his olive-green military shirt, little is left of the man who used to dominate television programming for endless hours, keeping people in suspense from the other side of the screen.
The great orator of times long past now meets with an audience of young people in a tiny theater and reads them a summary of his latest reflections, already published in the press. Instead of arousing the fear that makes even the bravest tremble, he calls forth, at best, a tender compassion. After a young reporter calmly asked a question, she followed up with her greatest wish: "May I give you a kiss?" Where is the abyss that for so many years not even the most courageous dared to jump?
A significant sign that Fidel Castro's return to the microphones has not being going over well is that even his brother refused to echo, in his most recent speech to parliament, the former leader's gloomy prognostication of a nuclear armageddon that will start when the United States launches a military attack against North Korea or Iran. Many analysts have pointed out that the man who was known as the Maximum Leader is hardly qualified to assess the innumerable problems in his own country, yet he turns his gaze to the mote in another's eye. This pattern is familiar, with his discussions of the world's environmental problems, the exhaustion of capitalism as a system and, most recently, predictions of nuclear war.
Others see a veiled discontent in his apparent indifference toward events in Cuba. Yet this thinking forgets the maxim: Even if he doesn't censure, if Caesar does not applaud, things go badly. It is unthinkable that Fidel Castro is unaware of the appetite for change that is devouring the Cuban political class; it would be naive to believe that he approves. For years, so many lives and livelihoods have hung on the gestures of his hands, the way he raises his eyebrows or the twitch of his ears. Fidel watchers now see him as unpredictable, and many fear that the worst may happen if it occurs to him to rail against the reformers in front of the television cameras.
Perhaps this is why the impatient breed of new wolves do not want to stoke the anger of the old commander, who is about to turn 84. Some who intended to introduce more radical changes are now crouching in their spheres of power, waiting for his next relapse.
Meanwhile, those who are worried about the survival of "the process" are alarmed by the danger his obvious decline poses to the myth of the Cuban revolution personified, for 50 years, in this one man. Why doesn't he stay quietly at home and let us work, some think, though they dare not even whisper it.
We had already started to remember him as something from the past, which was a noble way to forget him. Many were disposed to forgive his mistakes and failures. They had put him on some gray pedestal of the history of the 20th century, capturing his face at its best moment, along with the illustrious dead. But his sudden reappearance upended those efforts. He has come forward again to shamelessly display his infirmities and announce the end of the world, as if to convince us that life after him would be lacking in purpose.
In recent weeks, he who was once called The One, the Horse or simply He, has been presented to us stripped of his captivating charisma. Although he is once again in the news, it has been confirmed: Fidel Castro, fortunately, will never return.
Yoani Sánchez is a writer in Cuba. Her awards include the 2009 Maria Moors Cabot Prize. She blogs at www.desdecuba.com/generationy. This column was translated from Spanish by M.J. Porter.
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Translating Cuba is a compilation of English translations from Cuban blogs. The bloggers included here share a number of characteristics.
They:
What they don’t share is a single point of view. Our hope is that the voices on this site will mirror the free, open, and plural society we all know that Cuba is ultimately destined to be.
- Write from the island of Cuba.
- Are independent, that is they are not paid by the Cuban government.
- Write under their own names.
- Their blogs contain material of wide general interest.
- Their blogs are updated on a regular basis.
Speaking of the Cuban economy, I just got back from sunny Miami where I attended the 20th annual conference of ASCE (The Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy).
Perhaps the most interesting and enlightenning panel was on recent changes in Cuban agriculture, 'absurdly' entitled, "Waiting for Godot."
The most revealing paper presented was by the Havana-based Reuters/Financial Times correspondent Marc Frank, who shared his soundings of Cuban farmers as they assessed their experience working under Raul.
I'd say they gave him a collective C-, meaning that they have seen encouraging changes that give them much greater flexibility in planting, growing, transporting, and selling their produce. What Frank described were experiments in slowly phasing out the acopio (the requirement that farmers sell a large portion of their crop to the state at a fixed price).
While this is indeed encouraging, the downside is that for every positive development farmers can cite 2-3 continued bureaucratic or political obstacles in their way.
In other words, they appreciate the changes but point out that there's a LONG way still to go and that the government moves painfully slowly with any reforms.
I'll see if Frank shares his assessment with readers in the coming days.
Cuba to Cut Workers and Relax Business Rules
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Published: August 02, 2010
HAVANA (AP) - The Cuban government will scale back controls on small businesses, lay off unnecessary workers and allow more self-employment, President Raúl Castro said Sunday, major steps in a country where the state dominates nearly every facet of the economy.
But Mr. Castro, speaking at the opening session of Parliament, also scoffed at what he said was media speculation that Cuba planned sweeping economic changes to dig itself out of a financial crisis. "With experience accumulated in more than 55 years of revolutionary struggle, it doesn't seem like we're doing too badly, nor that desperation or frustration have been our companions along the way," he said.
About 95 percent of all Cubans work for the government, a sector Mr. Castro called "considerably bloated." Those who are laid off, he said, will be retrained or reassigned.
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