Thursday, June 28, 2012

Havana's paladars grow five-fold in less than two years, says Trabajadores

My thanx to Phil Peters for sending me a link to an article in yesterday's Trabajadores newspaper entitled, "Paladares, tendencia creciente" (private home restaurants, a growing trend).

When I finished my dissertation back in 2002, which focused on self-employment and particularly on Cuba's paladares, I titled it "Condemned to Informality," with the assumption that I would never see such a headline in a Cuban newspaper.

However, as the article reports, since October of 2010 when the government announced its "new rules" for self-employment, there has been a near doubling of the number of registered micro-enterprises and entrepreneurs (now totaling 387,200), with the number of paladares in Havana increasing FIVE FOLD! between then and the end of May, 2012.

The article reports that there are now 376 such private home-based restaurants in the City of Havana (under the very bureaucratic socialist label: "los elaboradores-vendedores de alimentos y bebidas que prestan servicio gastronómico por cuenta propia") up from just 74 in 2010.

While the paladar trend is important, it is a somewhat elite phenomenon that operates with economies of scale not available to many Cubans.  Even more noteworthy is the growth of a number of other kinds of food service operation - as any visitor to Havana in the last two years can attest.

Food service enterprises that do home-based catering ("al detalle") or roving street sales have topped 10,900 in Havana, while little street corner and sidewalk cafes and cafeterias (known to Cubans as "puntos fijos") have grown to 2,567.  Many of these private ventures have come to replace the state-run workers' canteens that have been closing across the island.

Raul talks a lot about the need to change the rigid mentality that understood entrepreneurship as the equivalent to exploitation and theft (installed in the minds of many party faithful over decades by his elder brother).  Trabajadores seems to have gotten the memo.

The article describes the paladares as "excellent restaurants" which, together with the other private food services in Havana, "have become consolidated after their operators have made important investments and even done market research."  The article goes on to celebrate these private operators for their provision of "a notable variety of supply and an elevated quality of service."

The article even hints that locals and international tourists alike can turn to these restaurants as a compliment to Cuba's state-run restaurants.

***

For anyone planning such a visit to Cuba in near future, take a look at my very own "Notes from the Underground," a guide to Havana that I wrote and updated regularly between 2000 and 2006.  It includes a lengthly listing of both paladares and bed & breakfasts.  I have not found the time to update it yet after my trip to the island in April, 2011, but it will give you a brief version of the fascinating history (up to 2006) of the paladar - when it was still largely an "underground" phenomenon.

Of course, the history of the paladar post-2006 is still being written.  Let's hope Raul's legacy can at least partially absolve Fidel of his own history!

How the US keeps Cuba offline, Nick Miroff, Global Post


Washington has its wires tangled: It promises Cuba free data, but blocks access to the internet's coolest tools.



HAVANA, Cuba — Fear not, web-deprived Cubans. The US government has a new plan to breach the firewall of communist censorship and let free data flow through.

First though, it needs to block your access to some really cool software.

That was the scrambled message of the past week. First, Cubans found themselves barred from using Google Analytics — a free, web-traffic analysis tool — by the US trade embargo. A few days later, they learned that American officials are spending millions on new programs to boost "the free and decentralized flow of information" to the island.

A reminder, once more, that the Great Software Maker of the North giveth, and also taketh away.

Thursday, June 21, 2012

Festival CLIC and Voces 15

Download PDF of VOCES 15 NOW!

Starting at 9:00 a.m. today, Thursday, June 21, and running for the next three days, there is a unique, independent "future of technology" event taking place in Havana called Festival CLIC.

Co-sponsored by Estado de SATS, Academia Blogger, and EBE (a Spanish blogging collective), the event is described in great detail (in English) here.  Yoani Sanchez also pushes back against Cuba Debate's lies and propaganda about the Festival.

(Interestingly, she's not alone in calling CubaDebate out on its Faux News.  Both Dmitri Prieto and Rogelio Diaz take on Cuba Debate for their unfounded attack against Havana Times in the same article they attack the Festival.)

In the afternoon of the opening day following a special panel on digital magazines and web portals in Cuba, Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo and his motley crew will present the 15th edition of the free-lance digital magazine VOCES.

OLPL's crew is even more motley than usual this time around given the fact that he recruited El Yuma to co-edit this particular edition with him (partly explaining my web silence over the past month)!  It is dedicated to new media and technologies looking to the role they will play in Cuba in the future.

It's also intended to go beyond the sometimes provincial, navel-gazing tendency of Cubans, and Cuba-watchers like myself, by addressing ICT issues mas allá de Cuba insular.  You'll decide if we succeeded...

Of mercenaries and Marielas...


First an apology. I last posted here on May 20, exactly one month ago.

A thousand blog ideas have filled my head in that too long a time between posts but, being so busy, I always told myself that I would wait to post when I had more time to "develop" the idea more fully.  Then when I would sit down to write, either the original idea was gone or its time and relevance had passed.

I should just accept that a blog is more of a "perpetual beta" and not a forum for polished, perfect essays.

Then there is the impact of my constant Tweeting on the frequency of my blog posting.  I don't know how Yoani does it but her obsessive and always entertaining and informative Tweets do not seem to subtract from her eloquent and constant blog posts...  Too bad I can't say the same for myself.

But since I have a day job that pays my rent and puts food on the table, I tend to use my Tweets as a shortcut to get the hot stuff into cyberspace and then never get around to blogging...

So, readers beware and be ready: I resolve to post more, but more briefly in the coming months.

***

As a first foray into brevity (yeah, right!), I'll give my quick take on LASA 2012, San Francisco here.

LASA is always a marathon and when the city it's in is seductive as is the case with San Fran, I have been known to abscond on most of the panels to see the sights.  This time around, however, my fiancé joined me at the end of the conference and we stayed in the city for a few extra days to walk up and down some of those hills!

This gave me the excuse to be quite disciplined for a change and spend 3+ days filled with panels, receptions, workshops, debates, a brief Q&A with Mariela Castro, and even a public exchange with none other than author and head of the Cuban Writers and Artists Union (UNEAC), Miguel Barnet.

I got to Mariela Castro's talk early and sat in the front row directly facing the podium.  While I was disappointed by the great silence in her talk about issues of tolerance and inclusion beyond those affecting the LGBT community, I must admit that I was impressed with her intelligence, radicalism (that's meant to be a compliment), and professional, focused scope and tone.

I recorded her presentation and will embed it here when I figure out how to put audio on my blog. (I can do video with a YouTube embed but can anyone help me with an audio file?)

I asked her the first question, focusing on her recent Tweet from March where she indicated that the Cuban blogosphere was much better than the Cuba press at reflecting the complexities and many colors of Cuba's diverse reality.  I simply asked, given her comment and her highlighting a number of LGBT themed blogs in her presentation, which blogs she reads regularly and would recommend.  Unfortunately, she really didn't answer the question other than to say that she's no expert on Cuban blogs but that she was impressed with the young bloggers she had met the previous month in Matanzas at the "Blogazo por Cuba" event there.

Later I kicked myself for wasting my opportunity with such a softball question.  I should have asked this:

"Obama just 'came out' publicly in support of gay marriage.  Do you know if the President of Cuba is also in favor of legalizing same sex marriage in his country?"

To that I could have added this follow up:

"Most gains in the US for LGBT rights have come from independent groups agitating the powers that be for respect and recognition.  In Cuba, you lead this fight from within a government institution.  What freedoms to organize are there and what movements exist in Cuba that advocate for LGBT rights outside of state institutions and even outside of socialism or the revolution."

Alas, I chickened out on this one.  (But not the next one as you will see...).

Later that same evening, the LASA Cuba section held its meeting, which as a member in good standing, I attended.

The meeting began with a petition being passed around about the Cuban 5.

Then, the BIG issue that consumed the better part of an hour or more was addressed.  While Mariela had been granted a visa (provoking howls of protest from hard right Cuban-American politicos), another 10 Cuban participants (out of a huge Cuban delegation 75-strong) had been inexplicably denied theirs.  This seemed particularly arbitrary and the result of a cynical and cowardly political calculation since the majority of those denied this time around regularly travel to the US for academic purposes (such as Carlos Alzugaray, Rafael Hernandez, and Esteban Morales).  I even had Carlos give a very rich and contentious guest lecture in my Cuba class at Baruch in the fall semester, 2011.

There were 10 empty chairs lined up in the front of the auditorium with the name of one of "the 10" on each of them.

The Cuba section had previously circulated a petition via e-mail denouncing the denials of these visas, which I had signed with conviction - but also with a bit of hesitation since it failed to mention the fact that the Cuban government also, and more systematically, controls and frequently denies Cubans the right to travel abroad.

As the petition made the rounds, a long line of speakers, almost all of them other "Yumas" like myself (well not exactly like me as it turned out) took the mic and proceeded to heap righteous scorn on the US State Department.

While I had signed onto the petition, I grew increasingly uncomfortable with the almost gratuitous blindness and hypocrisy with which these speakers invoked the violation of our "right to hear the voices of the Cuban people" and the "denial of our rights to work with our Cuban colleagues."

When I could no longer bear this willful partiality and almost comical parody of a meeting of the Communist Party, I took my turn at the mic, knowing I would be "hablando de la soga en la casa del ahorcado" (bringing up the rope in the house of the condemned), as the phrase goes.

I began by agreeing with the basic principle that the previous speakers had defended, indicating that my own students had greatly benefitted from hearing and rigorously debating with Carlos Alzugaray when he visited our class the previous semester.  I also reminded my colleagues that the full name of the Cuba Section of LASA is the "Scholarly Relations with Cuba" Section, something we should promote and defend on principle and impartially.

However, I parted company with the previous speakers when I pointed out that if we were going to defend the principle of academic exchange and criticize the unjustifiable political manipulation of that exchange then we must do so consistently when either (or any) government, including the Cuban government, violates it.

Then I dropped the proverbial bomb.

Since I was acutely aware of two specific cases where Cubans I have worked with in an academic, professional capacity had been denied exit permits, I mentioned this fact loudly and clearly.  The Cuban economist Oscar Espinosa Chepe and blogger Yoani Sanchez had both been invited to participate in previous LASA conferences, but both were denied permission to leave the island by the Cuban government.

To wit, I pointed out that it is one thing for a foreign government to deny you permission to enter their country, but quite another for your own government to prevent you from exiting!

I could feel the oxygen rush out of the room as everyone did a collective inhale in response to my impertinence.

Almost immediately, even before I could get back to my seat, Miguel Barnet, who had been seated next to Mariela Castro (translating my remarks to her as I spoke), jumped to his feet, took the mic, and declared in no uncertain terms that:

"It is unacceptable that we grant the same rights deserved by academics to such mercenaries!"

It went downhill from there, with a parade of "Yumas" (but not like me!) agreeing with Barnet that, in essence, not all Cubans are created equal and deserving of the same rights.

Oy vey!

***

For other versions of and reactions to these events, you can go first and foremost to CafeFuerte, to which I gave an interview following the event.  The usually sharp and balanced Cuba Central Blog also gave a summary of the event, but managed to completely skip over my "unfortunate" if brave remarks.

Yoani Sanchez discussed the issue in a powerful blog post, "The Cuban Intelligentcia: Hide or Debate?"  Haroldo Dilla also wrote eloquently about it at Havana Times, as did both Chepe - who asked Barnet with moxie: Who is the Mercenary? - and his wife Miriam Leiva.

Sunday, May 20, 2012

Here's the Place to Be Tomorrow: Cuban Economy Colloquium, Bildner Center

Bildner Center Colloquium: 

MONDAY, MAY 21, 2012 
8:45 AM – 6:00 p.m. 
The Graduate Center 365 Fifth Avenue (@ 34th Street) 

After 2008, the newly installed presidency of Raúl Castro launched several initiatives to revamp the highly centralized form of socialism for which Cuba had been known. Though Cuba's Actualización draws from other experiences of socialist reform, it appears to be a distinctive approach. The Cuba Project/Bildner Center colloquium puts the new approach in perspective and provides an update on the evolving policies and the structural and institutional changes in progress in 2012. The colloquium closes with a review of policy and research implications.

*Registration is required.
*This event has been designed for academics, Cuba specialists, and related professionals.

Preliminary Program (Subject to change)

Registration: 8:45 AM - 9:05 AM

Session #1: Cuban Updates on Actualización
9:05 AM to 11:35 AM, Room 9206/07
Cuentapropismo y ajuste estructural; Microfinanzas en Cuba; Non-state Enterprises in Cuba: Current Situation and Prospects; Impacto de los lineamientos de la política económica y social en la producción de alimentos

Session # 2: Strategic Initiatives: Agriculture
11:45 AM to 1:00 PM, Room 9206/07
Measuring Cuba's Agricultural Transformations: Preliminary Findings; U.S. Food and Agricultural Exports to Cuba - Uncertain times Ahead

Session # 3: Revamping Socialism: Perspectives and Prospects 
2:00 PM to 3:55 PM, Room 9206/07
Actualización in Perspective; Cuban Restructuring: The Economic Risks; Prospects in a Changing Geo-Economic Environment

Roundtable on Implications and Future Agenda
4:15 PM to 5:45 PM, Room 9206-07

Closing Remarks

Invited speakers from the University of Havana: Omar Everleny Pérez Villanueva; Pavel Vidal; Armando Nova; Camila Piñeiro Harnecker.

Invited speakers from Europe, the United States and Puerto Rico: Emily Morris; Bill Messina; Archibald R. M. Ritter; Mario González Corzo; Mauricio Font.

While some of our panelists will present in Spanish, each panel/session will have Powerpoint outlines in English as well as one presentation in English (with the possible exception of the Panel 1).

Moreover, the Q&A will be in both English and Spanish. 

PLEASE RESERVE by sending an e-mail to bildner@gc.cuny.edu

©2012 Bildner Center | The Graduate Center - CUNY | New York, NY

Thursday, May 17, 2012

UPDATE: Mariela Castro's academic paper for LASA: "Sexual Education as State Policy in Cuba, 1959-Present"

I for one am glad that the US State Department has taken the high road in granting a visa to Mariela Castro Espín (*see professional bio in Spanish below) so she can attend the Latin American Studies Association (LASA) conference.


If I fight for Yoani's (or anyone else's) right to leave Cuba (without having to pass some ideological test), I think I should also stand up for the ability of Mariela and other academics to come to the US (without their having to do the same).

To quote the Observatorio Critico quoting Rosa Luxemburg: "Freedom is not freedom at all unless it applies to those we disagree with."


I strongly support Mariela's advocacy for the LGBT community and for respect for sexual diversity in Cuba and just as strongly disagree with her intolerance of political and civil diversity.  But the best way forward is through honest, civil debate - not by refusing dialogue or engaging in character assassinations.

In an article published on Thursday at Fox News Latino, I was quoted (accurately) as saying that Mariela's "not just some Cuban academic, but also part of the Castro family dynasty." However, after reflection on that self-evident fact, I think that the real question going forward is not whether she is part of the dynasty, but what she does with the legacy.

Here is a link to the paper, "Sexual Education as State Policy in Cuba, 1959-Present," she submitted for presentation at the LASA conference.  It was published in the Cuban journal Sexología y Sociedad in April of 2011 (Vol. 17, No. 45).  It is in Spanish but an English translation of the abstract is below after the jump (you will also find a full description of the panel she is participating in *).

At the same time, I am saddened and surprised to hear that the US State Department has seemingly denied the visas for a number of other leading Cuban academics scheduled to attend the LASA conference next week (a slew of news reports are now out on this at WaPo, NYT, AP, Cuba Central, and Fox News Latino).  John McAuliff informs me that the following academics, among others, have been denied their visas:

*Soraya Castro, Center for the Study of International Migration, Havana University
*Milagros Martínez, University of Havana official responsible for educational exchange with US schools and co-chair of LASA Cuba Section
*Rafael Hernández, editor of the magazine Temas
*Oscar Zanetti, renown Cuban historian
*Carlos Alzugaray, Center for the Study of the Western Hemisphere and the US, University of Havana

Can anyone confirm this?  And if so, what are we going to do about it!

Again, as I say above:

If I fight for Yoani's right to leave Cuba (without having to pass some ideological test), I think I should also stand up for the ability of these academics to come to the US (without their having to do the same).

Facebook Raises $16 Billion in I.P.O. That Values It at $104 Billion

Breaking News Alert
The New York Times
Thursday, May 17, 2012 -- 4:29 PM EDT
-----

Facebook Raises $16 Billion in I.P.O. That Values It at $104 Billion

As investors raced to get shares, whose price Facebook set at $38 each, the sprawling social network raised $16 billion on Thursday in an initial public offering.

The I.P.O. signals a rapid evolution for the company. In just eight years, Facebook has gone from a scrappy college service founded in a Harvard dormitory to the third-largest public offering in the history of the United States, behind General Motors and Visa.

Read More:
http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2012/05/17/facebook-raises-16-billion-in-i-p-o/?emc=na

NYTimes.com
Copyright 2012 The New York Times Company

Siro del Castillo: Apoyo el importante juego de ideas

Pull Quote: 
"It's a very bad and insecure country that fears the visit of a person to its shores, or that fears that one of its citizens visit another country." 

NOTA DE UN ACTIVISTA DE DERECHOS HUMANOS

Mariela Castro hija del jefe de Cuba general Raul Castro ha recibido una visa de los Estados Unidos para participar en San Francisco en la reunión de LASA (Asociación de Estudios Latinoamericanos) y contrario a todos las criticas que están recibiendo los Estado Unidos de muchos cubanos por otorgar esa visa, el que suscribe aplaude esa aprobación porque es el mejor ejemplo de como se debe proceder. 

Lo incorrecto, lo cobarde, lo que no se puede aplaudir es lo que hacen -y han hecho en este mas de medio siglo- las autoridades de la Habana con el negado de visas a miles de cubanos a visitar su propio país. El ultimo caso es el del decente cubano Siro del Castillo. 

Gracias Cubanas doy a los Estados Unidos por saber estar por encima de las torpezas políticas de muchos de mis compatriotas que los ciega la pasión y se autoexcluyen del importante juego de ideas.  

La nación norteamerica sabe actuar. ¿Como pedir o esperar que Estados Unidos haga lo mismo que hace el gobierno de Cuba negandole el permiso de salida y regreso a Yoani Sanchez? . Felicito a los Estados Unidos por saber poner la ética y el buen ejemplo por encima de todo.

Mal, muy mal e inseguro esta el país que teme a la visita de una persona a su país o de uno de sus ciudadanos a otro.

!!! RESPETEMOS LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS EN TODAS PARTES Y SIEMPRE !!!

 

Tuesday, May 15, 2012

Cuba's Paradise Lost - Carlos Fuentes


Cuba's Paradise Lost
April 20, 2003
Carlos Fuentes 

Carlos Fuentes is the author of numerous books, including "The Death of Artemio Cruz" and "The Years With Laura Diaz."

(H/T Ariana Hernández & CafeFuerte)

LONDON — When I arrived in Havana on Jan. 2, 1959, Fidel Castro had not yet entered the Cuban capital. He was advancing slowly by jeep along a victory route from Santiago, accompanied by a dove trained to stay on his shoulder.

He would interrupt his speeches along the way with a rhetorical question: "Am I going the right way, Camilo?" The question was ostensibly addressed to Camilo Cienfuegos, his second in command during the revolution, but in a sense it was also addressed to all Cubans. He was met with jubilation.

But Cubans expected more than just the overthrow of a bloodthirsty and corrupt tyrant. They expected political democracy, freedom of expression, freedom to gather, a mixed economy, a parallel strengthening of private enterprise and the state, better education and health care.

They got some of these things. But they also got a repressive government that ignored basic human rights.

In his latest crackdown, Castro has incarcerated 75 dissidents, sentencing them to a total of 1,500 years in prison. His government has also executed three citizens who hijacked a boat to flee Cuba.

These acts have prompted some prominent supporters of Castro to denounce his government. In a published statement last week, Jose Saramago, a Portuguese writer and winner of the 1998 Nobel Prize in literature, wrote that Cuba "has lost my confidence, damaged my hopes, robbed me of my dreams."

My own disillusionment with Cuba's revolution came much earlier, in 1966, when the Cuban literary bureaucracy, pressured by poet and essayist Roberto Fernandez Retamar, denounced Pablo Neruda and me for attending an International PEN gathering presided over by Arthur Miller. Thanks to Miller, Soviet and Central European writers had been allowed to enter the United States for the first time to meet their Western counterparts. Neruda and I declared that this was an example of how the literary world could overcome the Cold War. For this, we were accused by Fernandez Retamar of fraternizing with the enemy.

He had assembled a long list of Cuban writers who had purportedly signed onto a statement condemning our actions, in which it was asserted that the problem was not the Cold War but the struggle of the classes. We had been seduced by capitalism.

It wasn't the feeble reasoning that outraged Neruda and me, but that Fernandez Retamar had included on the list, without consulting them, our friends, including Alejo Carpentier and Jose Lezama Lima. In the years that followed, Cuba attempted many times to tell other Latin American authors what they could and could not say and write.

It shouldn't have been this way. Castro seemed, in the early days of postrevolutionary Cuba, poised to deliver the free land his people desired. He had the support of the world's artistic and intellectual communities. From Jean-Paul Sartre to C. Wright Mills, the world's intelligentsia saw a chance for Cuba to become a new kind of revolutionary state, freed of the dogmas and deformities imposed by the contorted Marxism of the Soviet Union.

Perhaps in Polynesia such a revolutionary state might have been possible. Not in Cuba, with its close proximity to the U.S. It was the height of the Cold War, and Washington was quick to declare, albeit with less Manichean brutality than President Bush has shown lately, that "those who are not with us are against us." Castro was not interested in subjugating his nation's interests to those of the United States. Rather than bowing submissively to Washington, he began initiating reforms bound to be seen as aggressively communist.

Like Mexico under Carranza and Cardenas, Castro nationalized and expropriated private businesses and resources; but unlike in Mexico, he did not negotiate. Escalating confrontations with Washington led to the breaking of relations in 1961. And it was not just the U.S. that Castro alienated. He butted heads with his own bourgeoisie, who left in droves. The loss of talent and resources was immense.

The press was suffocated. Political parties were barred. Power was consolidated, and relations with the United States continued to deteriorate. The more aggressive the Americans, the more rigid the Cuban dictatorship became. The tighter the Cuban dictatorship, the more American aggression.

Despite these tensions, Cuba made major advances in education and health. It even had a military victory of sorts when, in 1961, a force of expatriate Cubans with U.S. backing landed at the Bay of Pigs and, without promised American air support, were quickly overwhelmed by Castro's forces.

But something was "rotten in the state of Denmark." Increasingly, human rights and freedoms were restricted in the name of national security. Cuba also turned toward an option that the Cold War offered the Third World: Soviet power. Shunned by the United States yet fearful of its power, Cuba allied itself with the Soviet Union. The 1962 Cuban missile crisis came close to launching the third and last world war. Only President Kennedy's ability to confront both Nikita Khrushchev and his own military establishment saved us from catastrophe. But Castro had cast his lot with the Russians.

Castro's support for the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia sealed a pact. Cuba became, if not a colony, at least a satellite state of the Soviet Union. If Turkey was the easternmost reach of the United States, Cuba was the westernmost limit of the Soviets.

The rigidity, the persecution of dissidents, might have been tolerated as an outgrowth of the revolutionary rhetoric if only Castro had delivered on the economy. But his economic revolution was disastrous. Cuba's enormous strengths -- its vast and intelligent human capital, its unexploited natural resources and fertile lands -- were sacrificed to stupid and exotic dogmas. Agrarian reform, launched by a smart and patriotic man, Antonio Nunez Jimenez, ended in absurdity: In the name of a crazed egalitarianism, the nation's cities were denied products from the countryside. Without incentives, farmers stopped producing. Soviet-sponsored industrialization projects filled Cuba with antiquated machinery, inappropriate for the tropics. On the wings of dogma, small businesses died.

Now, nearly half a century after the revolution, Cuba continues to be a dependent nation. Castro blames his country's ills on the U.S.-imposed embargo. And it's true that the U.S. has passed absurdly arrogant measures penalizing Cubans. One, the Helms-Burton Act, goes far beyond mere sanctions, imposing penalties on foreign companies doing business in Cuba until property expropriated by the Cuban state during the revolution is returned. (It is fortunate for the United States that Britain didn't pass such a law after the U.S. war of independence.)

But Cuba's economic woes extend beyond U.S. sanctions: The country had come to rely heavily on multimillion-dollar subsidies from the Soviet Union. Since it no longer receives them, it has had to turn back toward the economic engines of the Batista years: tourism and prostitution.

One might suspect that Castro needs America as a convenient scapegoat to excuse his own failures. He needs the American ogre, and in George W. Bush he has his ideal foil -- someone who needs his own villains to justify his ambitious plans. The axis of evil that began with Iraq, North Korea and Iran is likely to be expanded to include Syria, Lebanon, Libya and, in the Americas, Cuba.

I established a position in 1966 that I retain today: I am against the abusive and imperial policy of the United States toward Cuba. And I am against the abusive and totalitarian politics of the Cuban government toward its own citizens.

I congratulate Jose Saramago for drawing his line. Here is mine: I am against Bush and against Castro.

Translated by Lorenza Munoz